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"The sociologist Daniel Bell was an uncommonly acute observer of the structural forces transforming the United States and other advanced societies in the twentieth century. The titles of Bell's major books-The End of Ideology (1960), The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (1973), and The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism (1976)-became hotly debated frameworks for understanding the era when they were published. In Defining the Age, Paul Starr and Julian Zelizer bring together a group of distinguished contributors to consider how well Bell's ideas captured their historical moment and continue to provide profound insights into today's world. Wide-ranging essays demonstrate how Bell's writing has informed thinking about subjects such as the history of socialism, the roots of the radical right, the emerging postindustrial society, and the role of the university. The book also examines Bell's intellectual trajectory and distinctive political stance. Calling himself "a socialist in economics, a liberal in politics, and a conservative in culture," he resisted being pigeon-holed, especially as a neoconservative. Defining the Age features essays from historians Jenny Andersson, David A. Bell, Michael Kazin, and Margaret O'Mara; sociologist Steven Brint; media scholar Fred Turner; and political theorists Jan-Werner Müller and Stefan Eich. While differing in their judgments, they agree on one premise: Bell's ideas deserve the kind of nuanced and serious attention that they finally receive in this book"--

An investigation into the foundations of democratic societies and the ongoing struggle over the power of concentrated wealth Much of our politics today, Paul Starr writes, is a struggle over entrenchment--efforts to bring about change in ways that opponents will find difficult to undo. That is why the stakes of contemporary politics are so high. In this wide ranging book, Starr examines how changes at the foundations of society become hard to reverse--yet sometimes are overturned. Overcoming aristocratic power was the formative problem for eighteenth century revolutions. Overcoming slavery was the central problem for early American democracy. Controlling the power of concentrated wealth has been an ongoing struggle in the world's capitalist democracies. The battles continue today in the troubled democracies of our time, with the rise of both oligarchy and populist nationalism and the danger that illiberal forces will entrench themselves in power. Entrenchment raises fundamental questions about the origins of our institutions and urgent questions about the future

An investigation into the foundations of democratic societies and the ongoing struggle over the power of concentrated wealth Much of our politics today, Paul Starr writes, is a struggle over entrenchment--efforts to bring about change in ways that opponents will find difficult to undo. That is why the stakes of contemporary politics are so high. In this wide ranging book, Starr examines how changes at the foundations of society become hard to reverse--yet sometimes are overturned. Overcoming aristocratic power was the formative problem for eighteenth century revolutions. Overcoming slavery was the central problem for early American democracy. Controlling the power of concentrated wealth has been an ongoing struggle in the world's capitalist democracies. The battles continue today in the troubled democracies of our time, with the rise of both oligarchy and populist nationalism and the danger that illiberal forces will entrench themselves in power. Entrenchment raises fundamental questions about the origins of our institutions and urgent questions about the future.

"Winner of the 1983 Pulitzer Prize and the Bancroft Prize in American History, this is a landmark history of how the entire American health care system of doctors, hospitals, health plans, and government programs has evolved over the last two centuries."--

Contents -- Preface to the Revised Edition -- Preface and Acknowledgments -- Introduction: An Uneasy Victory -- The Making of a National Impasse -- A Window for Reform -- Choices and Vulnerabilities -- PART I. THE GENEALOGY OF HEALTH- CARE REFORM -- 1 Evolution through Defeat -- Progressive Health Insurance, 1915- 1919 -- The New Deal and National Health Insurance, 1935- 1950 -- The Growth of the Protected Public, 1950- 1965 -- 2 Stumbling toward Comprehensive Reform -- Political Deadlock, 1969- 1980 -- Political Reversals, 1981- 1990 -- The American Path in Health Insurance

AbstractThe social category "people of color" has been born twice from the mixing of peoples in the United States. This article seeks to explain the category's emergence and varied boundaries in the late 1700s and early 1800s, its decline in the mid-1800s, and its re-emergence and spread in a related meaning of enlarged scope since the 1970s. In both phases, "people of color" has served as a bridging identity across racial lines for those not included among whites; both times it has served primarily as a term of respect, not abuse. The category's revival has rested on a contested people-of-color equation—the equating of other minorities with Black people—and has come in four stages: 1) the advent of a new configuration of governmentally recognized minorities in the 1960s and 1970s; 2) the adoption of "people of color" as a collective identity for those groups, initially among Black, progressive, and feminist activists; 3) the polarized diffusion of "people of color" in the media; and 4) the emergence among activists of second thoughts about the category "people of color" as insufficiently specific. The article concludes with a brief discussion of whether the traditional color line is being redrawn as a people-of-color line.

Social and political theory in the twentieth century envisioned the flourishing of both democracy and the information economy. But while the digital revolution has promoted freedom of expression and freedom of information, it has had mixed effects on the freedom of the press. Throughout the advanced democratic world –more acutely in some countries than in others –the rise of digital communications has undermined the financial condition and economic independence of the press. New media have not, as of yet, offset losses in more traditional media. With its high dependence on advertising revenue, American journalism has been especially vulnerable to stress. In the late twentieth century, observers expected the news media in Europe to evolve in an American direction; instead American journalism has been moving in a more European direction –more partisan and less financially secure –though public policy in the United States shows no signs of adjusting to the new realities.

Die digitale Revolution ist, so Erstaunliches sie hervorgebracht hat, ein zweifelhafter Segen für die Demokratie. Sie ist sicher gut für die Meinungsfreiheit. Sie ist auch gut für die Informationsfreiheit, das heißt, um zuvor geheime oder unzugängliche Informationen einer breiteren Öffentlichkeit verfügbar zu machen. Doch sie war nicht durchgängig gut für die Pressefreiheit, wenn man diese Freiheit als etwas versteht, das sich nicht bloß auf die formalen Rechte bezieht, sondern auf die reale Unabhängigkeit der Presse als Institution. In den etablierten Demokratien hat die digitale Revolution die Fähigkeit der Presse geschwächt, als wirkungsvoller Sachwalter öffentlicher Verantwortlichkeit aufzutreten, indem sie die wirtschaftliche Basis professioneller Berichterstattung untergraben und die Öffentlichkeit fragmentiert hat. Wenn man den Gedanken ernst nimmt, dass eine unabhängige Presse unverzichtbarer Bestandteil jeder Demokratie ist, könnte ihre gegenwärtige Notlage die Demokratie selbst schwächen. (ICF2)